The Ukraine is mobilizing its entire society for war. Military logic and political power determine the framework for peace negotiations. Women remain almost invisible. Iryna Trokhym on a void with consequences for peace.
For almost a decade, Ukraine has been fighting not only against a brutal invasion, but also for the cohesion of its own social fabric. While countless men serve on the front line, many women keep families, communities and the country’s entire civilian infrastructure going. They run shelters, organize logistics, manage volunteer networks, support displaced people and are increasingly serving in the armed forces. And yet women’s voices are almost completely excluded from the peace negotiations that are shaping the country’s future. A conversation during the WPS week in Vienna about the transformation of gender roles in war and the danger of women being marginalized again in times of peace.
Ms. Trokhym, how has the war changed the role of women in Ukraine?
The war has changed everything. Women have become stronger, more visible and at the same time more burdened. They bear full responsibility for families, elderly relatives and everyday civilian life while their husbands, sons or daughters are fighting. At the same time, tens of thousands of women serve in the armed forces. They are snipers, medics, drivers, intelligence specialists and commanders. Ukrainian women today hold both the civilian and the military front.
Until 2017, many military professions were closed to women. What has changed?
Before 2017, more than 450 military positions were legally closed to women. We fought for years to lift these restrictions. Today, all positions are open and women serve in all capacities, including combat roles. This is in line with the WPS agenda, which demands participation not just on paper, but in real and operational terms.
How does Ukrainian society react to women in combat roles?
It is a learning process. There are still traditional voices asking why mothers go to the front instead of staying at home. But these voices are becoming quieter. The war has shown that courage has no gender. Many female soldiers are mothers and see their service as protecting the future of their children. This is changing ideas of femininity, patriotism and responsibility.
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You say that feminism in Ukraine has changed. What do you mean by that?
Before the war, feminism was about rights, equality and political representation. Today it is about the historical struggle of women, about their role in the defense of the country 100 years ago and about international advocacy for support and protection of Ukraine – because it is about our survival. We demand weapons, not because we glorify war, but because we need to defend ourselves. In today’s Ukraine, feminism means the right to survive, to resist and to protect our communities.
Conflict-related sexual violence is widespread. What is the situation?
The figures are devastating. We have documented more than 200,000 war crimes, including around 2,000 cases of sexual violence against men, women and children. These crimes destroy individuals, families and entire communities. We are developing mechanisms within our own armed forces to prevent, report and punish such violence. This is crucial for accountability and the protection of soldiers and civilians.
Domestic violence has also increased. Why?
Many veterans return home severely traumatized. The transition from a frontline life marked by violence to the quiet routines of family life is extremely difficult. There are reintegration programs, but many do not participate. As a result, domestic violence increases. Women once again bear the emotional and economic consequences. We urgently need comprehensive, mandatory reintegration and psychological support programs.
Women were almost completely excluded from the Minsk peace negotiations. Why is this so problematic?
Because women bring different perspectives to the table. They talk about humanitarian realities, about red lines, about life after the war. If there are no women at the table, half of society is missing. Peace agreements without women are usually weaker and less sustainable. The WPS agenda makes this very clear.
Why are women not appointed to negotiating teams?
Not because of a lack of competence. Ukraine has many qualified women in diplomacy, security, military and law. The problem is institutional: the positions from which negotiating teams are recruited are predominantly held by men. This is a patriarchal structure that even the war has not yet broken down. But now is precisely the moment for change.
What could help to change this dynamic?
International pressure is an important instrument. If the EU, UN and the United States insist that women are represented in official Ukrainian delegations, the presidential office will act. A negotiating team with female soldiers, civilians, former prisoners and human rights experts would be stronger, more legitimate and more representative of the country.
“After the war, many male veterans will return as heroes, and political parties will want to put them on their lists.”
What does a just peace for Ukraine look like?
Peace cannot mean accepting occupation. A “peace” that legitimizes territorial appropriation is capitulation. A just peace requires the withdrawal of Russian troops, the return of our people and a process of justice for victims and survivors. Anything else would only continue the conflict in a different form.
How do you see the future of the women’s movement in Ukraine?
I believe we will emerge stronger, but we must be vigilant. After the war, many male veterans will return as heroes and political parties will want to put them on their lists. There is a real danger that gender quotas will be undermined. Perhaps it is time for women to form their own political parties. We have proven that we can defend our country – now we must shape its future.
In your view, what key lessons should be learned from this war for the reconstruction of Ukraine?
Everyone talks about reconstruction, but without women there will be no meaningful reconstruction. We have borne the humanitarian and social burden of this war. Our voices must shape peace, reconstruction and the political system afterwards. The WPS agenda is not a luxury. It is a strategic necessity.
At the time of publication, there are no formal peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia. Western partners and Ukrainian representatives recently held talks in Berlin on possible diplomatic options and security guarantees, but without Russian participation and without a breakthrough. The situation therefore remains politically fluid, but substantially deadlocked.
Here to the coverage of the WPS-Week in Vienna and here to reports on the war in Ukraine.
